The project included an analysis of the status quo of media self-regulation and media accountability in Europe and two exemplary Arab states and interviews with 100 international experts in the field of online media accountability. Concerned journalists across Europe and the United States started to form press clubs and journalists’ federations in the late 19th century; the earliest known example existed in the United Kingdom. Among media practitioners, the Ethical Journalism Network seeks to encourage accountability in newsrooms across the globe. They are not all listed here, but a comprehensive overview can be found in Eberwein et al. Educational programs in communications and journalism can train you to work in radio, television, news and business. Noting that “technological innovations—such as Twitter—trigger changes in the way newsrooms relate to their publics and vice versa,” Heikkilä et al. Given the obvious insufficiency of traditional instruments of media self-regulation—which mainly result from the collective or individual self-interest of media professionals—engaging the audience might be a promising option to strengthen media accountability, but only very few small-scale studies on innovative instruments of media accountability exist so far (Eberwein, 2010; Fengler, 2008; Schönherr, 2008; Wied & Schmidt, 2008). Media journalism is not practiced by the mainstream media and remains a domain of alternative, community, and niche media, which is less dependent on market mechanisms and takes on the form of media satire (e.g., Slovenia) or is restricted to public broadcasting (e.g., Latvia). Within the transitional media system, the Myanmar Press Council (MPC) holds a position quite typical for such institutions in transitional or development countries. Bastian’s study has retrieved many similarities between media accountability cultures in these countries and the countries in southern and eastern Europe. We should always strive for accuracy, give all the relevant facts we have and ensure that they have been checked. Communicators and journalists have rights, responsibilities, and accountabilities to exercise and live by and which must provide guarantees against censorship and protection of freedom of expression, safeguarding the confidentiality of journalistic sources, and ensuring that information held by the government can be timely and easily accessed by the public. However, a comparison with the United States shows that even the German media blogosphere is still underdeveloped, particularly with regard to the lack of sustainable business models and possible schemes for self-regulation (Fengler, 2008). Altogether, the Alliance of Independent Press Councils of Europe currently includes 34 associations in Europe (including eastern Europe). There is practically no media journalism in the mass media in Estonia, because, as Loit, Lauk, and Harro-Loit (2011) observe, “owners, editors-in-chief and other media leaders are highly allergic towards any criticism addressing their outlets” (p. 44). Altmetric Badge. Laitila’s (1995) study found that almost all European codes request of journalists “truthfulness,” “honesty,” “accuracy of information,” and “correction of errors” (p. 538). If media managers actively implement accountability and transparency mechanisms, they could clearly demonstrate that they care for media accountability and thus make any form of state intervention superfluous. A series of additional 100 interviews with international experts on media accountability conducted by MediaAcT has confirmed this: “Only enacting the instruments through practices, media accountability actually exists. Studies dealing with ombudsmen (Evers et al., 2009) reveal similar self-imposed restrictions. Similarly, only Poland and the Czech Republic report several regularly published trade journals, while initiatives to introduce platforms for professional exchange both offline and online have failed in the smaller countries. Today, there is a considerable amount of media criticism in northern European countries like the United Kingdom, Germany, the Netherlands, Switzerland, and Finland, which is provided by quality newspapers and sometimes also public broadcasting stations. Some quality media engage in media criticism, while the media’s involvement in the military dictatorships has only been started to be discussed recently. In an attempt to raise the standards among journalists—who often had little or no formal or professional education and were poorly paid—many of these journalists’ associations (later journalists’ unions) started to pass codes of ethics seeking to make a distinction between acceptable behavior and unacceptable methods in journalism. Professional standards are not likely to be achieved as long as the mistakes and errors, the frauds and crimes, committed by units of the press are passed over in silence by other members of the profession. Encourage a civil dialogue with the public about journalistic practices, coverage and news content. . Bardoel and d’Haenens (2004) have specified the different stakeholders potentially to be addressed in the accountability process: Besides the public, they mention the journalistic profession and the market, as well as the political sphere—which facilitates a debate about the role of media accountability beyond Western democracies (see the section on “Media Accountability in Restrictive Regimes and Transition Countries”). About this Attention Score ... Science communicators (journalists, bloggers, editors) 1: 20%: Attention Score in Context. Especially for journalists in the two Arab countries—affected by their experiences with governmental censorship—the social media dialogue with their audience is important. Although the ombudsman concept is much older, the idea of establishing ombudsman positions in media organizations is accredited to Lester Markel and Abe Raskin, two well-known editors of The New York Times, who both published widely debated media-critical articles in their newspaper in 1967. The weakness or lack of press councils in southern European countries already signals that their culture of media accountability is largely underdeveloped. A Global Handbook of Media Accountability is currently being edited by the same team of authors. The example of the MPC illustrates why it is so important to consider not only the public as a potential addressee of accountability measures but also other stakeholders such as the political sphere when taking a closer look on the situation beyond liberal democracies. It also demanded mandatory media councils in EU states that do not have press councils yet, like France and Romania. Many legacy media started following up on journalism and the media industry, but by about 2000, when there was a deep media crisis, the number of media pages and media programs had decreased considerably in many Western countries (Fengler, 2003). Hafez (2002, p. 226) stresses that informal discourses are even more relevant for journalism cultures without press freedom, where journalists cannot fix certain values, such as impartiality and independence, from state interference in written form. Be part of the cause, be a contributor, contact us. Journalistic ethics and standards comprise principles of ethics and good practice applicable to journalists. But while media laws usually regulate the (infra-)structures of media practices in the respective areas of application, journalistic contents are protected almost entirely from state interference (Puppis, 2009, pp. 1. However, these parameters do not always work for the citizens. Given the many externalities produced by the media system itself, various “non-state means” (Bertrand, 2000) have been developed in past decades in many Western democracies to hold the media accountable especially. that the members of the press engage in vigorous mutual criticism. In many cases, their foundation was accompanied by the formulation of new codes of ethics, following the ideals of Western media systems. After an analysis of the U.S. media sector, Campbell (1999) concludes that the examples for self-regulation she looked upon “do not provide a great deal of support for the claimed advantages of self-regulation” (p. 755). The MediaAcT project (Fengler, Eberwein, Mazzoleni, Porlezza, & Russ-Mohl, 2014) was the first study to provide comprehensive empirical data on the status quo and impact of MA in 14 countries with different media systems and journalism cultures. This can be interpreted in the light of the transitional context: Individual freedoms including freedom of speech and press have been part of the demands by protesters in Tunisia and Jordan since the beginning of the Arab Uprisings. A few studies exist regarding media self-regulation in some African countries such as Ghana, Tanzania, South Africa, and Botswana (Akpabio & Mosanoka, 2018; Berger, 2010; Duncan, 2012; Gadzekpo, 2010; Mfumbusa, 2006; Rioba, 2012; Wasserman et al., 2012), but cross-country comparison is scarce. While the MediaAcT data clearly show that journalists do not want state intervention—the statement “formal systems of media regulation are open to political abuse” was widely supported by the almost 1,700 journalists who responded to our survey—they perceive the existing instruments as insufficient as well. Somewhat similar, the accountability infrastructure of Asian countries has not been subject to systematic comparative research yet, and research on the national level is rare too. Accountability is a necessity for communicators and journalists. on the other. The Worlds of Journalism Study (2018) has included four questions on perceptions of ethics in its 67-country survey of journalists. Among other recommendations, this commission suggested. When we cannot corroborate information we should say so. . Yet, the authoritarian system also still has its marks: Jordanian and Tunisian journalists still feel a higher responsibility toward government and/or political parties than their European counterparts. In these countries, journalism still lacks the freedom to report critically on the media (see Eberwein et al., 2017). Claude-Jean Bertrand defined the development and current structures of accountability in journalism as “any non-State means of making media responsible towards the public.” Key aims of media accountability are “to improve the services of the media to the public; restore the prestige of media in the eyes of the population; diversely protect freedom of speech and press; obtain, for the profession, the autonomy that it needs to play its part in the expansion of democracy and the betterment of the fate of mankind.” Journalists and news outlets have a wide array of responses to professional, public, and political criticisms via press councils, ombudsmen, media criticism, and digital forms of media accountability, while online and offline media accountability instruments have distinct traditions in different media systems and journalism cultures. It can help to deliver genuine accountability to the public and to protect the principle and practice of freedom of expression. You could not be signed in, please check and try again. Because of the lasting tensions between the councils, the Code of Ethics for the Estonian press has not been amended since 1997 (Lauk & Jufereva, 2010). But while digital MAI obviously have gained prominence, they still lag behind the (limited) relevance of the traditional MAI. This initiative was cut short by COVID-19, as was the committee’s planned public event that would have brought in journalists of colour and from other marginalized groups to discuss challenges in modern newsrooms. Upset about a news organization or report? In recent years, the Cooperative Extension Service (CES) network of federal divisions, land-grant universities, and state and county agencies and associations has been challenged to improve the system's outreach and increase its accountability (Richardson, Staton, Bateman, & Hutcheson, 2000; Kellogg Commission, 1999). Throughout the past decade, the news media has again increasingly come under attack in many Western countries. Altmetric Badge. Various ethical codes have been adopted by major journalists’ associations since 1994 but are considered ineffective. This leads to an ambivalent situation where the council has a mandate to negotiate with state and military officials on behalf of the industry. Press councils, ombudsmen, media criticism in trade journals and mass media—as traditional media accountability instruments (MAI)—all have the task to monitor journalists’ professional performance and follow up on journalistic malpractice in countries that guarantee freedom of the press and thus forbid state interference into journalism (Dennis, Gillmore, & Glasser, 1989). A comprehensive study on media accountability in Latin America (Bastian, in press) has analyzed the development of media accountability in Brazil, Argentine, and Uruguay after the end of military dictatorship. 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